

Dr Melani Anae, Chair of the Polynesian Panther Party Legacy Trust, says current immigration enforcement still carries echoes of the Dawn Raids era and urges lasting reform.
Photo/University of Auckland/William Chea/file
Dr Melani Anae argues that despite reforms, current policies continue a logic that is ineffective, harmful, and not fit for purpose.








The history of immigration enforcement in Aotearoa New Zealand is often framed as a story of progress: from the excesses of the 1970’s Dawn Raids to a more humane and measured system.
Yet a closer reading suggests a more complex continuity. When the rhetoric and practices of Robert Muldoon are considered alongside the findings of the Heron Report and recent policy signals under Erica Stanford, what emerges is not a clean break from the past, but the persistence of an enforcement logic that may remain fundamentally unjust and not fit for purpose.
In the 1970s, Pacific immigration enforcement operated within a climate of moral panic. The myth of the ‘Pacific overstayer’ was born. Pacific peoples were constructed as overstayers who threatened jobs, housing, and social stability, despite evidence even then that they were not the majority of those unlawfully in the country. Pacific overstayers made up only 30 per cent of overstayers - the majority were from South Africa, Britain, Europe and USA - but 86 per cent of the prosecutions were reported to involve Pacific people.
Under Muldoon, this narrative became politically powerful. The Dawn Raids, early morning police operations targeting Pacific intergenerational households, were not merely administrative exercises; they have been described by critics as staged acts of racist state power and authority. Through their visibility and intensity, they communicated who was a New Zealander and who was not. Enforcement thus became racialised, not only in its targets but in its symbolic function.
While widely acknowledged today as unjust, the significance of the Dawn Raids lies in the logic they reveal. At their core was an assumption that migration non-compliance constituted a significant social threat requiring visible, deterrence-based intervention. This transformed what was largely administrative non-compliance into a moral crisis, legitimising extraordinary enforcement measures.
The Heron Report 2023 provides a significant empirical challenge to this framework. Crucially, the report questions the effectiveness of enforcement practices. Traditional compliance methods, particularly broad, visible operations, are shown to be inefficient and poorly targeted. They do not consistently locate intended individuals and can produce unintended harm for Pacific families and communities. The report emphasises that trust is central to effective compliance and warns that heavy-handed enforcement can undermine that trust. It instead advocates for intelligence-led, risk-based approaches focused on serious harm, such as exploitation.
Taken together, these findings suggest there may be limited justification for deterrence-based enforcement. The report suggests there may be limited evidence of a widespread threat requiring aggressive intervention and raises questions about the targeting of Pacific communities and the operational basis for broad compliance approaches. Such approaches appear not only unjust but potentially obsolete.

The Dawn Raids of the 1970s targeted Pacific communities disproportionately, creating intergenerational trauma and mistrust of the state. Photo/Facebook
Yet, despite this evidential shift, elements of deterrence-based thinking persist. Recent policy signals under Erica Stanford point to a renewed emphasis on the visible enforcement of ‘compliance checks’, stronger compliance measures, including ‘suspicious overstaying behaviour’ and clearer consequences for overstaying. While these measures stop short of replication of Dawn-Raid-style operations, they have been interpreted by some critics as reflecting an underlying logic that compliance is a means of signalling control and reassuring the public, and is best achieved when enforcement is seen, felt, and feared.
The Government has stated that compliance and enforcement measures are necessary to maintain border integrity and public confidence in the immigration system.
The issue, therefore, is not whether the Dawn Raids are repeated, but whether their logic should endure. What the Polynesian Panther Party Legacy Trust (PPPLT) has called for, since the Dawn Raids of the 1970’s and Jacinda Ardern’s apology for the racism of the Dawn Raids in 2021, is legislative, policy, and INZ culture changes to stop terrorising Pacific peoples and to stop any future dawn raids for good.

The 2023 Heron Report found that out-of-hours compliance checks now make up less than one per cent of deportations, highlighting a shift from historic practices. Photo/INZ
How about these for compelling arguments:
• During the three-day period of 21-24 October 1976, Auckland police dawn raided 200 homes and ‘randomly checked’ 856 Pacific and ‘look-alikes’ on the street demanding passports…for only 23 arrests. Do the math - thousands of Pacific people in intergenerational families terrorised for only 23 arrests.
• The 2023 Heron report provides statistical evidence that only 20 out of 654 deportations over an eight-year period resulted from “out-of-hours” raids.
• Of 11,715 deportations during 1 July 2015 to May 2023, only 101- a mere 0.9 per cent - were the result of out-of-hours compliance checks.
The stigma of “Pacific overstayer” continues to carry symbolic weight disproportionate to its statistical significance. As in the 1970s, it can be mobilised to express broader anxieties about control, borders, and national identity. Enforcement becomes a way of addressing these anxieties, even when the underlying issue is limited in scope. This dynamic reflects the enduring influence of moral panic, in which perceived threats are amplified and responses become disproportionate.

Dr Anae argues that immigration enforcement logic today continues to prioritise visible control over proportional, intelligence-led compliance. Photo/Supplied
This is where the argument that immigration enforcement is “not fit for purpose” becomes most compelling. The issue is not simply that current practices may cause harm, but that they are misaligned with the nature of the problem they seek to address. When overstaying is small in scale, low-risk, and demographically diverse, broad enforcement becomes a blunt instrument - inefficient, imprecise, and prone to reproducing harm.
The consequences of this misalignment are also relational. The Dawn Raids damaged trust between Pacific communities and the state, shaping intergenerational experiences of belonging. The Heron Report recognises that trust is essential to effective compliance, yet enforcement approaches that emphasise visibility and deterrence risk undermining this foundation. The question, therefore, is not only whether enforcement works, but what it does to the relationships that sustain social cohesion.
If the Dawn Raids that the Polynesian Panthers fought against were born of moral panic, their afterlife may be seen by some as reflected in ongoing policy settings, including concerns about how enforcement impacts vulnerable ethnic minority groups and the persistence of enforcement logics that endure not because they work, but because they remain politically useful.
Ultimately, the comparison between Muldoon, the Heron Report, and Stanford reveals a system caught between past and present. While the evidence points toward a more targeted and proportionate model, elements of older enforcement logics persist. It is this tension, between what is known and what is done, that renders contemporary Pacific immigration legislation, policies and enforcement in Aotearoa New Zealand not fit for purpose.
Immigration Minister Erica Standford has responded to this opinion piece. Read it here.
Dr Melani Anae is Chair of the Polynesian Panther Party Legacy Trust and a Senior Lecturer in Pacific Studies at the University of Auckland. She is a co-author of Polynesian Panthers: Pacific Protest and Affirmative Action in Aotearoa NZ 1971-1981. The views expressed in this article are her own and do not reflect those of PMN.